Rethinking Sovereignty : Independence-lite, devolution-max and national accommodation

Peer reviewedPublisher PD

Brexit and Devolution in the United Kingdom

This work was carried out as part of the UK in a Changing Europe programme of the Economic and Social Research Council.Peer reviewedPublisher PD

The lesson from Catalonia: we need better principles on who has the right to self-determination and how

The standoff between Spain and Catalonia raises fundamental questions about the rights of citizens to self-determination, and how demands for separatism or greater autonomy should be dealt with by a nation state. Michael Keating writes that the Catalan crisis has emerged from a series of missed opportunities, a lack of dialogue between the two sides, and a disappearing centre ground. He argues that the time may have come for some better European and international principles on who has the right to self-determination and how

Agriculture post-Brexit: a battleground for the UK's constituent nations

Agriculture is a devolved matter which is also subject to EU policy-making. Micheal Keating writes that while there is agreement on the need for UK-wide frameworks to govern certain areas of agriculture post-Brexit, there is currently no agreement among the UK's nations on what form they should take. He argues that funding will likely be cut and that the UK government may not wish to allow devolved governments to continue supporting the sector

Regions with regionalism: the rescaling of interests

A number of factors, but most prominently European integration, have seen Governments add a ‘regional’ dimension to their policymaking, including in many cases genuine devolution of powers to the regional level. But has this increased regional focus seen an equivalent rescaling of interest groups, such as trade unions, businesses and environmental organisations? Michael Keating argues that regions are becoming a significant place for mediation of economic and social interests which supplement, rather than replace, the central state

Scotland could end up as a kind of post-sovereign polity in a looser union with England

British politicians are still clinging to antiquated notions of sovereignty, argues Michael Keating. While British governments have in recent decades come to accept the idea of Scottish self-determination, they have not been able to see their way beyond traditional ideas of sovereignty, so that Scotland must be subordinate to Westminster or completely independent. The moderate solution to the problem is rejected while the extreme one is reluctantly accepted. It is not necessary to become an independent state in order to forge a distinct welfare settlement but a new division of competences would be required

Les nationalités minoritaires d'Espagne face à l'Europe

La transformation de l'État en Europe de l'Ouest, et surtout l'intégration européenne, fournissent de nouvelles possibilités pour l'expression des revendications des nationalités minoritaires au sein des États. L'Espagne, depuis sa fondation, est un État plurinational. Cette diversité a été la cause de conflits politiques, notamment depuis la fin du 19e siècle. Pour les nationalistes et régionalistes en Catalogne, au Pays Basque et en Galicie, l'Europe communautaire se présente comme une nouvelle arène politique dans laquelle peuvent s'exprimer leurs revendications d'autonomie. Dans le nouveau jeu que crée l'Europe, la stratégie des mouvements nationalistes consiste à chercher des opportunités pour élargir leur marge d'autonomie, tout en conservant un élément d'ambiguïté quant à leurs ambitions éventuelles. Pour certains d'entre eux, le but est l'indépendance nationale comme État membre de l'Union européenne, alors que d'autres cherchent de nouvelles formes d'autonomie dans une Europe transformée. Les trois nationalités historiques d'Espagne ont adopté des stratégies différentes, correspondant à leurs traditions distinctes et aux choix politiques faits par leurs élites.The transformation of the state in western Europe, together with European integration, offer new possibilities for minority nations. Spain has always been a multinational state. Its diversity has caused conflicts, especially since the nineteenth century. For nationalists and regionalists in Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia, the European Union represents a new political arena in which to express their autonomist demands. In the new European political game, the nationalists' strategy is to seek opportunities to increase their margin of autonomy while remaining ambivalent about their ultimate aims. For some, the final goal is independence within the European Union, while others seek new forms of autonomy in a transformed Europe. The three historic nationalities have adopted different strategies, corresponding to their distinct traditions and political choice

Principes et problèmes du gouvernement asymétrique

Les États multinationaux impliquent des revendications particulières d’autonomie territoriale. Ces revendications sont difficilement conciliates avec la théorie de l’État uniforme, cependant l’État asymétrique suscite des oppositions. Néanmoins, dans les constitutions du Royaume-Uni, du Canada et de l’Espagne, il existe depuis toujours des éléments asymétriques. La restructuration de l’État et les nouveaux rapports entre territoire et pouvoir politique sont tels que l’asymétrie est de plus en plus reconnue comme un élément normal de l’État multinational. Les arguments contre l’asymétrie sont analysés. On est à la recherche d’un nouveau modèle de l’État pouvant concilier l’égalité des citoyens avec l’asymétrie des structures gouvernementales.In multinational states, there are often specific demands for autonomy. These are difficult to reconcile with uniform theories of the state, yet proposals for asymmetrical government arouse considerable opposition. There have always been asymmetrical elements in the constitutions of the United Kingdom, Canada and Spain. The transformation of the state and the emerging relationships between territory and power are such that asymmetry is becoming a more important feature of the multinational state. The arguments against asymmetry are analysed. We need a new model of the state which can reconcile equality of citizens with asymmetry of territorial government